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The linkage of development cooperation with migration policies has been promoted widely by international organizations from 2000 onwards. This paper analyses the factors that have prompted and impeded a reorientation of the domina...
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The linkage of development cooperation with migration policies has been promoted widely by international organizations from 2000 onwards. This paper analyses the factors that have prompted and impeded a reorientation of the dominant migration policy-frame within the EU towards the realization of a migration-development nexus. It is argued that external events such as the international debate on the migration-development nexus and the external shocks provoked by the events in Ceuta and Melilla prompted the EU to rethink its traditionally rather narrow approach, focusing on the repression of migration flows. However, the persistence of the established policy-frame and the existing institutional setting limit the scope for balanced policy coordination, introducing development mainly as an instrument of migration policy rather than the other way round. Challenging the literature that argues that there is a necessary trade-off between a development and a security-orientated migration policy, it is shown that this dichotomous juxtaposition hides the many ways in which different orientations can be combined, depending on the institutional context within which they are framed.
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Despite the lack of cooperation in other issue areas, EU-Russia migration cooperation has been fruitful to the present. The internal security driven EU migration policy towards third countries has so far led to the conclusion of r...
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Despite the lack of cooperation in other issue areas, EU-Russia migration cooperation has been fruitful to the present. The internal security driven EU migration policy towards third countries has so far led to the conclusion of readmission and visa facilitation agreements as policy outputs in Russia. This article looks at the patterns of policy convergence between the EU and Russia in light of the Common Space of Freedom, Security and Justice in the fields of irregular and regular migration. It claims that Russia's leverage vis-a-vis the Union shaped the migration policy output, in which the visa facilitation regime was introduced as an incentive to readmission. Finally, it stresses the role of Russia in shaping the EU external dimension towards Eastern European countries, once the readmission-visa facilitation nexus has been institutionalised to all the countries in the area.
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Our empirical analysis focuses on the effect of regional policies on migration attraction factors in Europe. We employ a regression discontinuity design to assess the causal relationship between the reception of large amounts of p...
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Our empirical analysis focuses on the effect of regional policies on migration attraction factors in Europe. We employ a regression discontinuity design to assess the causal relationship between the reception of large amounts of public funds and migration flows in the EU-15 regions. In highly-subsidised regions, we find a large increase in the share of foreign citizens from less-developed countries when compared to low-subsidised regions with similar pre-treatment characteristics. The analysis shows that such an increase is due to the positive impact of the European regional policy on job market opportunities as well as the improvement of public goods supply.
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The 2015 migration crisis has shaken the EU system to the point that no agreement on the matter was possible. In this line, it was decided to bring to the international level the need to agree on a migration norm: the UN Global Co...
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The 2015 migration crisis has shaken the EU system to the point that no agreement on the matter was possible. In this line, it was decided to bring to the international level the need to agree on a migration norm: the UN Global Compact for Migration. This article analyses the EU and Member States dynamics of dissent vis-a-vis substantive and procedural norms. It shows the existence of four structural factors within EU foreign policy that enhances consensus. That is the existence of a common position on the matter, the expert culture constraining the behaviour of parties, the EU community of practices and the role of the chair. The presence of these factors explain why the EU contained Hungary's objections to the Compact, but its absence also explains the domino effect triggered by the Austrian withdrawal. At the end, EU norms such as effective multilateralism and sincere cooperation were contested.
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While the free movement of labour in the EU is generally depicted as a positive feature of the single market, it was also controversial in the debate on EU enlargement. Actors opposing enlargement argued that large waves of migran...
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While the free movement of labour in the EU is generally depicted as a positive feature of the single market, it was also controversial in the debate on EU enlargement. Actors opposing enlargement argued that large waves of migrants from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) would 'swamp' Western labour markets, leading to so-called social tourism and increasing xenophobia. Contrary to the developments in other countries, Sweden was one of the only three Member States to immediately open its doors to citizens from the EU accession countries of 2004 and 2007. Sweden has also been one of the few EU countries to actively promote greater liberalisation of labour migration policy for third-country nationals (TCNs) within the EU, and the new Swedish Immigration Law of 2008 dramatically liberalised the TCN labour migration policy and made it more employer-driven. We argue that in order to understand why Sweden has supported increased labour mobility within and from outside of the EU, we need to complement existing explanations by analysing the preferences of the political parties. A two-dimensional analysis focusing on economy and culture provides an understanding of why so-called unholy coalitions of parties in support of liberal labour policies have emerged in Sweden during the 2000s. The article ends with a discussion of lessons learned from the Swedish case and wider implications for rights-based mobility in the EU.
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This article conceptualises international negotiations between two groups of states as the result of double two-level games, whereby the two negotiating teams negotiate with their counterpart at the international level while simul...
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This article conceptualises international negotiations between two groups of states as the result of double two-level games, whereby the two negotiating teams negotiate with their counterpart at the international level while simultaneously engaging with their constituents at their respective domestic level, trying to reconcile pressures from both arenas. Furthermore, it points to the importance of contextual and normative explanations and problem-solving approaches to explain negotiation outcomes. Empirically, it sheds light on one of the most contentious aspects of the Post-Cotonou Agreement between the European Union (EU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS), thanks to exceptional access to the negotiation process and subsequent interviews with most members of the negotiating teams. While the EU-OACPS Agreement may be dismissed by its critics as a relic of the past, the significance of its provisions on migration and mobility may mark a turning point in EU-Africa relations. A detailed mechanism, in fact, was agreed upon to ensure that African (as well as Caribbean and Pacific) states readmit unwanted migrants in the EU without conditionality and formalities other than a swift identity verification, with serious consequences if they fail to comply.
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Research has highlighted that increasing numbers of third-country migrants who have acquired European Union (EU) citizenship in one EU Member State employ the freedom of movement that it provides to onward migrate to other EU dest...
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Research has highlighted that increasing numbers of third-country migrants who have acquired European Union (EU) citizenship in one EU Member State employ the freedom of movement that it provides to onward migrate to other EU destinations. A range of socioeconomic, cultural, and educational factors have been found to drive migrants to move onward to try to fulfil their migration aspirations across multiple locations. This paper suggests that analysing onward migration through the relational lens proposed by the mobility paradigm better acknowledges the processual and dynamic nature of this migration pattern and its motivations. Drawing from a small-scale project focusing on Latin American migrants (with EU citizenship) who have relocated from Spain to the UK post-2008, the paper presents a distinctive form of reactive onward migration. Research is based on secondary data analysis and semi-structured interviews with key informants from voluntary and statutory organisations in Spain and the UK. It finds that, as their socio-economic conditions deteriorate in Spain, some Latin Americans decide to mobilise their civic and social capital (EU citizenship, transnational networks) to move to the UK in search of employment. Yet, the full mobilisation of this civic capital is jeopardised by their limited linguistic and economic capital and the structural constraints that these onward migrants encounter in the UK. By considering the factors that mediate some Latin Americans' post-2008 experiences of stasis and movement between Spain and the UK, this study enhances conceptualisations of onward migration and illuminates cross-border dynamics of migration and precarity within the EU. Copyright (C) 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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This paper focuses on the construction of migration policies in the EU neighbourhood. While realist accounts insist that nation-states are rational actors and policies are based on their needs and interest-based calculations, the ...
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This paper focuses on the construction of migration policies in the EU neighbourhood. While realist accounts insist that nation-states are rational actors and policies are based on their needs and interest-based calculations, the constructivist arguments, promoted by World Society theory, emphasize the impact of global political culture on shaping policies of social entities. On the example of migration policy-making in the EU neighbourhood post-Soviet states I argue that migration policies are highly standardized despite diverging geopolitical interests of these nation-states. Population control migration models are promoted under the global cultural theme of economic progress and are highly individual-centred in content, regardless of emigration or immigration concerns of nation-states, their power dynamics and economic standing. These scripted purposes for policy adoption diffuse regardless of imposed conditionality.
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This article argues for a new centrality of the right to asylum within the Mediterranean zone and the necessity to defend and implement this right beyond the humanitarian regime. The first section describes the ways in which human...
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This article argues for a new centrality of the right to asylum within the Mediterranean zone and the necessity to defend and implement this right beyond the humanitarian regime. The first section describes the ways in which humanitarianism's logic has weakened the right to asylum through the implementation of specific EU migration policies since 2013. The second section focuses on the distinction between such a humanitarian regime and the human rights system, assessing the possibility of and necessity for a renewed defense of human rights, starting with the right to asylum. The third section focuses on the Charter of Lampedusa, a radical, alternative normative instrument developed through a grassroots process which involved activists and migrant rights groups and which represents a concrete illustration of how the horizon of human rights might be redefined.
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This article describes how aid-influence mechanisms previously identified by academic literature (aid conditionality, tied aid, consultants, people-to-people exchanges and the support of like-minded donors) are triggered in a sele...
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This article describes how aid-influence mechanisms previously identified by academic literature (aid conditionality, tied aid, consultants, people-to-people exchanges and the support of like-minded donors) are triggered in a selection of six aid projects implemented by Spain and Germany and involving the EU in Senegal, in the domains of gender equity and migration control. Aid-influence nexuses might prove ineffective if there is a lack of political will on the part of the partner, an insufficient involvement of its Administration or local actors, a mis-selection of people involved in the aid-influence link, or if the scale of the project is too small.
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